The New Great Game
How
Regional Powers are Carving Up Syria
Just two weeks
ago, the first 54 graduates of Washington’s trumpeted program to train and
equip the Syrian opposition crossed from Turkey into Syria. They were
immediately attacked by al Qaeda’s Jabhat al-Nusra, which killed and captured a
number of the trainees. The media and Congress rightfully focused on the
inauspicious start to a program conceived well over a year ago, but lost in the
shuffle was the fact that the unit’s commander is a Syrian Turkmen—an ethnic
Turk with Syrian citizenship—and that the area through which the unit marched
into Syria, the same territory that Turkey now proposes as a safe zone, is
dominated by the very same sect.
Turkey is hardly
alone in efforts to carve out friendly zones in the mayhem of the Syrian war.
For over two years, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which is based in
southeastern Turkey and northern Iraq, has worked with its own local affiliate
to establish Rojava, the Western province of Kurdistan. Jordan, whose
intelligence services have been active in southern Syria for years, has been
reaching out to local fighters and tribesmen in a bid to keep the Islamic State
(also called ISIS) at bay. And some in Israel are considering working with
Syria’s Druze community, parts of which straddle the Golan frontier. On a regional
level, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are also supporting groups in both northern and
southern Syria, and Iran is sending record numbers of Hezbollah and Shia
militiamen and billions of dollars annually to assist the Bashar al-Assad
regime in western Syria.
As most of the
world has stood by and watched Syria’s disintegration, regional powers have
been busy claiming spheres of influence in the country in the name of security
and humanitarian assistance. Bit by bit, Syria’s neighbors are redrawing that
country’s map, the balance of power in the Middle East, and U.S. foreign
policy.
TURKEY’S TAKE
Perhaps the most
prominent country planning to carve out a sphere of influence in Syria is
Turkey, which recently reached a tentative agreement with the United States to
establish an “Islamic State Free Zone.” The 60-mile-wide zone, extending from
the northern Syrian border town of Azaz eastward to Jarabulus on the Euphrates
River, is designed to insulate Turkey from ISIS and seal the Syrian-Turkish
border. The catalyst was a massive bomb blast in late July, claimed by ISIS,
which killed 32 and injured 100 in the Turkish town of Suruc. In theory, Syrian
insurgents, supported by Turkish artillery and possibly protected by Turkish
and U.S. air cover will secure the zone. The agreement is a culmination of
years of Turkish proposals to establish a no-fly zone in northern Syria that
would serve as a staging area for rebels aiming to topple Assad.
Initial reports
indicate that Turkish forces will not enter the zone. But the territory roughly
overlaps with Syria’s largest pocket of ethnic Turkmen, so Turkey could be
planning to rely on them as a local base of support.Initial reports indicate
that Turkish forces will not enter the zone. But the territory roughly overlaps
with Syria’s largest pocket of ethnic Turkmen, so Turkey could be planning to
rely on them as a local base of support. Turkmen, who number only 300,000 in
Syria, are ethnically distinct from Syrian Sunni Arabs, who represent about 65
percent of the Syrian population and make up the lion’s share of the armed
opposition.
KURDISH
CONNECTION
Also on Syria’s
northern border, the PKK is vying for influence. Two years ago, Syria’s
Democratic Union Party (PYD), the Syrian offshoot of the PKK, and the Kurdish
National Council (KNC) set up the Kurdish Supreme Committee, which declared the
de facto autonomous region of Rojava. The new autonomous region consists of
three cantons in Afrin, Kobani, and Hassakah. Although the Supreme Committee
and its armed wing, the People’s Protection Units (YPG), insist that they are
not the PKK, Turkey has sealed its border with Rojava over concerns that the
units are but a fig leaf for the PKK. Ankara, as well as other Kurdish
factions, openly dislike the support PYD receives from Iran and its tolerance
of Assad regime forces in Hassakah.
Last month, the
United States launched airstrikes against ISIS to support the People’s
Protection Units (YPG) and conducted an operation to seize the border region of
Tal Abyad from ISIS. This key battlefield victory united the long separated
cantons of Kobani and Hassakah, giving the Kurdish sphere perhaps the most
territorial integrity in Syria outside of Assad regime areas. Some in the PYD
now advocate pushing west to Afrin to form a Kurdish belt across the northern
border of Syria. In response, Turkey and the United States agreed to keep the
PYD out of Turkey’s proposed safe zone.
JORDAN’S ZONE
On Syria’s
southwestern border, Jordan is also preparing to carve out a sphere of
influence. For years, Jordanian intelligence, which closely coordinates with
the United States, has actively tracked and worked with rebels in southern
Syria. As the conflict has worsened, Jordanian officials increasingly find
themselves in a no-win situation. If the rebels take Damascus, further chaos
just 60 miles from the Jordanian border is almost certain. If Assad wins and
tries to retake the south, thousands more refugees would pour into Jordan. And,
given the Assad regime’s lack of manpower, Syria would still be extremely
unstable. If the country’s chaotic partition continues, the regime’s continued
use of chemical weapons and reliance on Iran would further push Syria’s rebels
into the hands of radical jihadists such as ISIS, a problem no country wants
nearby.
A Financial
Times report released on June 29 to coincide with the Turkish announcement of a
potential safe area, indicates that Jordan is planning to set up its own
humanitarian buffer zone inside Syria in response to the Assad regime’s
battlefield losses and due to the fear of an ISIS expansion in southern Syria.
The exact details of the plan remain sketchy. On June 14, Jordanian King
Abdullah pledged to “support” the tribes of southern Syria and western Iraq to
protect Jordan from ISIS, which was widely interpreted to mean that he would
arm them. But on July 30, the Jordanian government issued a press release
saying that the King’s comments “were misinterpreted.”
Regardless, the
announcement followed a debate in the Jordanian press on Hashemite interests in
southern Syria, which date back to the Great Arab Revolt of 1916–18.
Traditionally, Jordan’s sphere of influence roughly overlaps with the Houran,
the volcanic plateau south of Damascus that straddles the Syrian–Jordanian
border. By relying on Houran-based fighters and tribesmen, with whom Jordanians
share kinship, Jordan has successfully kept ISIS out of southern Syria (so far)
and kept Nusra, whose southern leadership also hails from the Houran region, in
check. Some Jordanians even insist that local Nusra leaders could be “peeled
away” to more moderate battalions.
ISRAELI AREA
Jordan’s sphere
of influence in Syria partially overlaps with that of Israel, which is
increasingly concerned about the political and military vacuum to the east of
the Golan frontier. For years, Israel has quietly engaged rebel groups in
southern Syria, provided extensive medical support to those fleeing the
fighting, and tolerated weakened Assad regime forces on the northern Golan.
Israel and Jordan share common goals in southern Syria, most notably keeping
ISIS and Iran out of the Houran and Quneitra. But Israel’s policy options have
been constrained by two hard realities: first, that the most effective rebel
units in southern Syria are jihadists, who are fundamentally opposed to the
State of Israel, and second, that the only way the Assad regime, which Israel
had generally tolerated, can retake all of southern Syria is with direct help
from Iran, which is Israel’s primary strategic enemy.
Some Israelis
see a potential middle path through the Druze, an ethnic minority that resides
in both Syria and Israel and whose brethren are historically close to the Assad
regime. Over the last year, several Israeli officials have quietly indicated
that they owe the Druze a debt for their service in the Israeli armed forces.
Outreach to the Druze is complicated by the fact that some Druze are actively
involved in Hezbollah-inspired IED attacks along the Golan fence. But a series
of Assad regime withdrawals from Druze areas over the last few months have
reportedly caused some Druze to look for options to defend themselves against
jihadists.
IRAN’S GAME
Iran’s
motivations for what, by most estimates, is the largest foreign intervention in
Syria, are to ensure a safe corridor for arms to Hezbollah in Lebanon, maintain
a presence on the Golan Heights to attack Israel, and ensure that what is left
of the Assad regime does Iran’s bidding. Iran’s multilayered attempt to prop up
the Assad regime has carved out what is arguably the largest sphere of
influence in Syria. Based out of Lebanon, Iranian-backed Hezbollah are active
in the border region of Qalamoun and in the Assad regime’s northern and
southern campaigns. Iraqi and Afghan Shia militias imported by Tehran are
actively involved in the same campaigns. Perhaps the most prominent example of
Iranian influence has come via Iranian Revolutionary Guard and Quds Force
activities to develop Syria’s paramilitary, which by some estimates, is now as
large as the Syrian army. This comes in addition to an estimated $6 billion in
annual economic and energy support from Tehran that has helped prop up what is
left of the Assad regime.
Iran’s
motivations for what, by most estimates, is the largest foreign intervention in
Syria, are to ensure a safe corridor for arms to Hezbollah in Lebanon, maintain
a presence on the Golan Heights to attack Israel, and ensure that what is left
of the Assad regime does Iran’s bidding. Despite the Assad regime’s recent
battlefield defeats, even moderates in Iran say their support to the regime can
outlast that of the rebels.
GULF GOALS
Although they
lack a territorial foothold, the Gulf Arab states, which are mainly looking to
counter Iran, have established influence in Syria by supporting Turkish and
Jordanian efforts to arm rebel factions. When, in the summer of 2012, U.S.
President Barack Obama decided not to arm the moderate Syrian opposition, Arab
Gulf countries stepped in to directly fund Islamist and moderate groups in
Syria. Some of these funds made it into the hands of extremists, which spread rapidly
in opposition-controlled areas of Syria.
It appears that
the Gulf countries mostly support moderate and Islamist factions while
tolerating those factions’ coordination with jihadists. Concerned about the
rise of extremists, Gulf Arab countries such as Qatar and Saudi Arabia publicly
supported U.S., Turkish, and Jordanian efforts in 2014 to shut off support to
Islamists and jihadists in Syria. Yet since then, Qatar and Saudi Arabia have
only increased the money they send to Syria. The exact recipients are unclear,
but it appears that the Gulf countries mostly support moderate and Islamist
factions while tolerating those factions’ coordination with jihadists such as
Ahrar al-Sham and Nusra in the Jaysh al Fateh, or Army of Conquest. This group
has proven a formidable challenge to the Assad regime in northern and southern
Syria.
UNMAPPED
TERRITORY
The map of Syria
is changing by the day. Its neighbors have brought their own political,
military, and sectarian tensions to the civil war there, which has made it more
complicated and bloody. Despite recent diplomatic overtures, agreement between
Iran, Israel, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey over what to do in Syria
seems unlikely anytime soon, as does a softening of the hardline positions of
both the Assad regime and jihadists such as ISIS and Nusra.
But the creation
of regional spheres of influence does open some possibilities for diplomacy,
something Obama hinted at in his remarks following the Iran deal announcement
concerning conversations with Tehran about “a political transition that keeps
the country intact and does not further fuel the growth of ISIL and other
terrorist organizations.” In the short term, neighboring countries and regional
forces could use their influence to isolate and punish the most extreme groups
in their areas. That would require the White House to orchestrate a balancing
act of cutting political deals with neighbors and regional actors on such
sticky issues as the role of President Assad, the means of his departure, and
what a transition in Syria means. And, in the event an agreement is reached,
each country would be given a key role in enforcing it.
In order to open
the door for this possibility, the United States needs to recognize that Syria
is a broken state that will not be repaired anytime soon—something it has been
reticent to do. But recognizing regional spheres of influence in Syria and
working with Syria’s neighbors (rather than with Russia in yet another top-down
attempt at peace talks) to stabilize each piece of the puzzle could well be a
vital first step in putting it back together again.
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